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Midnight's Furies: The Deadly Legacy of India's Partition Kindle Edition
An NPR and Seattle Times Best Book of the Year
Nobody expected the events of 1947 in Southeast Asia to be so bloody. The liberation of India and the birth of Pakistan were supposed to realize the dreams of Muslims and Hindus who had been ruled by the British for centuries. Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhi’s protégé and the political leader of India, believed Indians were an inherently nonviolent, peaceful people. Pakistan’s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was a secular lawyer, not a firebrand.
In August 1946, exactly a year before Independence, Calcutta erupted in street-gang fighting. A cycle of riots—targeting Hindus, then Muslims, then Sikhs—spiraled out of control. As the summer of 1947 approached, all three groups were arming themselves as the British rushed to evacuate. Some of the most brutal and widespread ethnic cleansing in modern history erupted on both sides of the new border, searing a divide between India and Pakistan that remains a root cause of many evils. From jihadi terrorism to nuclear proliferation, the searing tale told in Midnight’s Furies explains all too many of the headlines we read today.
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherMariner Books
- Publication dateJune 9, 2015
- File size14786 KB
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Editorial Reviews
Review
From the Inside Flap
Nobody expected the liberation of India and birth of Pakistan to be so violent it was supposed to be an answer to the dreams of Muslims and Hindus who had been ruled by the British for centuries. Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhi s protege and the political leader of India, believed Indians were an inherently nonviolent, peaceful people. Pakistan s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was a secular lawyer, not a firebrand. But in August 1946, exactly a year before Independence, Calcutta erupted in street-gang fighting. A cycle of riots targeting Hindus, then Muslims, then Sikhs spiraled out of control. As the summer of 1947 approached, all three groups were heavily armed and on edge, and the British rushed to leave. Hell broke loose. Trains carried Muslims west and Hindus east to their slaughter. Some of the most brutal and widespread ethnic cleansing in modern history erupted on both sides of the new border, carving a divide between India and Pakistan that remains a root cause of many evils. From jihadi terrorism to nuclear proliferation, the searing tale told in Midnight s Furies informs all too many of today s headlines.
Nisid Hajari builds his revelatory history on major new sources, including never-before-tapped intelligence reports, diplomatic records, and firsthand accounts, as well as deep archival research. Midnight s Furies offers a dramatic, gripping account of one of the world s most volatile regions in the crucible of epochal change.
"
From the Back Cover
A Seattle Times Book of the Year
William E. Colby Award Winner
Nobody expected the liberation of India and birth of Pakistan to be so violent—it was supposed to be an answer to the dreams of Muslims and Hindus who had been ruled by the British for more than a century. But as the summer of 1947 approached, Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs were heavily armed and on edge after a year of riots and gang fighting, and the British rushed to leave. Hell broke loose. Trains carried Muslims west and Hindus east to their slaughter. Some of the most brutal and widespread ethnic cleansing in modern history erupted on both sides of the new border, searing a divide between India and Pakistan that remains a root cause of many of today’s most menacing security threats, from jihadi terrorism to nuclear proliferation. Based on major new sources, Nisid Hajari’s revelatory Midnight’s Furies lays out the searing truth about one of the world’s most momentous and least understood tragedies.
“Fast-moving and highly readable . . . The story of what happens when a composite society comes apart.” — New York Times Book Review
“Makes the complex and tragic story of the great divide into a page-turner.” — Guardian
“Engaging and incisive . . . Hajari writes with grace, precision, and an unerring eye for detail. Midnight’s Furies is the best of recent offerings.” — Wall Street Journal
Nisid Hajari writes about Asian politics, history, and economics for the editorial board of Bloomberg View. He led international coverage at Newsweek for more than a decade and is a regular commentator on foreign affairs for the BBC, CNN, and NPR.
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
A Train to Pakistan
Ahead, the Jeep’s headlights picked out a lonely stretch of railroad track. The driver slowed, then, when still about a third of a mile away, pulled over and waited. All around wan stalks of wheat, shriveled by drought and rust, trembled in the hint of breeze. Two turbaned figures emerged from the gloom, borne by an ungainly, knock-kneed camel.
At a signal the five broad-shouldered men in the jeep piled out. They carried a strange assortment of objects—a brand-new Eveready car battery, rolls of wire, a pair of metal hooks with cables attached, and three lumpy, unidentifiable packages. Moving quickly, they joined the now-dismounted riders and headed for the copse of trees that lined both sides of the permanent way. When they reached an irrigation canal that ran along the tracks, several of the men slid down its banks and hid.
Two others dashed forward. Each tucked one of the mysterious parcels against a rail, then carefully attached a wire to the soft gelignite inside and trailed the cable back to where the others crouched. A third man brought the pair of hooks over to a nearby telephone pole and used them to tap into the phone line. As he listened, waiting for word of the Karachi-bound train, his compatriots grimly checked their revolvers.
The men were Sikhs, recognizable by their long beards and the turbans enclosing their coils of uncut hair. They had the bearing and burly physique of soldiers—not surprising given that their tiny community had long sent disproportionate numbers of young men to fight in the Indian Army’s storied regiments. In the world war that had just ended two years earlier, Sikhs had made up more than 10 percent of the army even though they represented less than 2 percent of the population.
The eavesdropper motioned to his comrades: the train was coming. This was no regularly scheduled Lahore Express or Bombay Mail. Onboard every passenger was Muslim. The men, and some of the women, were clerks and officials who had been laboring in the British-run government of India in New Delhi. With them were their families and their ribbon-tied files; their photo albums, toys, china, and prayer rugs; the gold jewelry that represented much of their savings and the equally prized bottles of illicit whiskey many drank despite the strictures of their religion. On 9 August 1947 they were moving en masse to Karachi, 800 miles away, to take part in a great experiment. In six days the sweltering city on the shores of the Arabian Sea would become the capital of the world’s first modern Muslim nation and its fifth largest overall—Pakistan.
The country would be one of the strangest-looking on the postwar map of the world. One half would encompass the fierce northwestern marches of the Indian subcontinent, from the Khyber Pass down to the desert that fringed Karachi; the other half would include the swampy, typhoon-tossed Bengal Delta in the far northeast. In between would lie nearly a thousand miles of independent India, which would, like Pakistan, win its freedom from the British Empire at the stroke of midnight on 15 August.
The Karachi-bound émigrés were in a celebratory mood. As they pulled out of Delhi, cheers of “Pakistan Zindabad!” (Long live Pakistan!) had drowned out the train’s whistle. Rather than laboring under a political order dominated by the Hindus who made up three-quarters of the subcontinent’s population, they would soon be masters of their own domain. Their new capital, Karachi, had been a sleepy backwater until the war; American GIs stationed there raced wonderingly past colorful camel caravans in their jeeps. Now a boomtown fervor had overtaken the city. The streets were a roaring tangle of cranes and scaffolding, and the dust from scores of building projects mixed with drifts of desert sand. If the city could hardly handle the influx of new residents—“the difficulty of putting several hundred quarts into a pint pot is extreme,” Britain’s first ambassador to the new Pakistan remarked—a good-humored camaraderie had so far smoothed over most tensions. Ministers perched on packing crates to work as they waited for their furniture to arrive. Their clerks used acacia thorns for lack of paper clips.
To the Sikhs leaning against the cool earth of the canal bank, this Pakistan seemed a curse. The new frontier would pass by less than 50 miles from this spot, running right down the center of the fertile Punjab — the subcontinent’s breadbasket and home to 5 million of India’s 6 million Sikhs. Nearly half of them would end up on the Muslim side of the line.
In theory, that should not have mattered. At birth India and Pakistan would have more in common with each other — politically, culturally, economically, and strategically — than with any other nation on the planet. Pakistan sat astride the only land invasion routes into India. Their economies were bound in a thousand ways. Pakistan’s eastern wing controlled three-quarters of the world’s supply of jute, then still in wide use as a fiber; almost all of the jute-processing mills lay on the Indian side of the border. During famine times parts of India had turned hungrily to the surplus grain produced in what was now Pakistan’s western wing.
The Indian Army, which was to be divided up between the two countries, had trained and fought as one for a century. Top officers—still largely British—refused to look on one another as potential enemies. Just a few nights earlier both Hindu and Muslim soldiers had linked arms and drunkenly belted out the verses of “Auld Lang Syne” at a farewell party in Delhi, swearing undying brotherhood to one another. Cold War strategists imagined Indian and Pakistani battalions standing shoulder to shoulder to defend the subcontinent against Soviet invasion.
Many of the politicians in Delhi and Karachi, too, had once fought together against the British; they had social and family ties going back decades. They did not intend to militarize the border between them with pillboxes and rolls of barbed wire. They laughed at the suggestion that Punjabi farmers might one day need visas to cross from one end of the province to the other.
Pakistan would be a secular, not an Islamic, state, its founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, promised: Hindus and Sikhs would be free to practice their faiths and would be treated equally under the law. India would be better off without two disgruntled corners of the subcontinent, its people were told, less charitably. “Division,” as India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, put it, “is better than a union of unwilling parts.” The fight to establish Pakistan had been bitter but astoundingly short—occupying less than ten of the nearly two hundred years of British suzerainty over India. Surely in another decade the wounds inflicted by the struggle would heal.
The Sikhs tensed as a long, low whistle from the train floated toward them. In the distance, they could see the engine’s headlamp rocking gently through the fields. Their eyes followed its progress until the train rounded a last bend and the spotlight blazed up before them like a miniature sun, bright and blinding. They rose, surging with adrenaline. Seconds later the Pakistan Special’s heavy black engine thudded over the spot where the gelignite charges lay, then its first bogie.
The Sikh holding the battery gripped the detonator switch he had rigged up to it. When the second passenger car was directly over the improvised mine, he firmly pressed down.
Product details
- ASIN : B00LZ7GO0C
- Publisher : Mariner Books; Illustrated edition (June 9, 2015)
- Publication date : June 9, 2015
- Language : English
- File size : 14786 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 353 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #547,674 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #16 in History of Pakistan
- #143 in History of India
- #391 in Colonialism & Post-Colonialism
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About the author
NISID HAJARI is Asia Editor for Bloomberg View, the editorial board of Bloomberg News. He writes columns on Asian politics, history and economics, and edits Bloomberg's commentary from the region. "Midnight's Furies" is his first book.
Prior to Bloomberg, Hajari spent 10 years as a top editor at Newsweek International and Newsweek magazine in New York. He was responsible for the day-to-day running of the print magazines, overseeing Newsweek's global team of correspondents and editors. During his tenure, the magazine won over 50 awards for its foreign coverage, which included the first exhaustive investigation of the hunt for Osama bin Laden and several critically-lauded special issues on China, Iran and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
From 1997 to 2001, Hajari worked as a writer and editor for TIME magazine in Hong Kong. There he helped build up TIME's fledgling Asian edition, winning two General Excellence awards from the Society of Publishers in Asia. Before moving to Asia, he spent time as a rock critic for Entertainment Weekly and a book critic for the Village Voice Literary Supplement.
Hajari helped edit the best-selling 2014 essay collection "Reimagining India: Unlocking the Potential of Asia's Next Superpower." He has written for the New York Times, Financial Times, Esquire and Conde Nast Traveler, among other publications. He has also appeared as a commentator on foreign affairs for CNN, BBC, NBC, MSNBC, CBC and National Public Radio. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and a former East-West Center Fellow.
Hajari graduated summa cum laude from Princeton University in 1990 and earned a Master's in Comparative Literature from Columbia University in 1996. He has lived in Seattle, New York, Hong Kong, New Delhi and London. He and his wife, Melinda Page, currently live in Singapore.
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As the conflicts in Europe flared into full-scale war, the British Army made use of Indian troops (India at this time referring to the entire country as then defined). Those troops fought alongside Britains own soldiers in battle, while on the subcontinent the two movements that would develop into the driving forces behind independence - the Indian National Congress, and the Muslim League - gained strength. Britain needed that support from India, but also saw that independence was inevitable as soon as the war ended.
The Muslim league was led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and the Indian National Congress was led by Jawaharlal Nehru with support and spiritual backing from Mahatma Gandhi. A great number of other leaders and key personalities also played major roles in the development of the independence movements and the subsequent partition and fighting that took place, but the personalities of Jinnah and Nehru decided many of the key positions their respective parties took during this time.
And this is what I found most interesting about this book. It seems clear, according to the author, Nisid Hajari, that the stubbornness of both Jinnah and Nehru, and the inability of those two leaders to work together for the benefit of their peoples, was perhaps the most significant single element in how the early history of these two independent countries developed.
In fact he suggests more than once that it could have been possible for a united India to have emerged at this time, if different leaders had been in place, ones who could have compromised and worked together with a much greater degree of trust and respect than what Jinnah and Nehru had for each other. This is a great shame given how history has developed in the subsequent 60+ years, particularly (I would say) for Pakistan which has been far less successful economically and politically than has India.
Another strong impression that I receive from this book is that, once Britain decided that India should be given it's independence, the involvement of Britain in helping to provide some guidance to that process, so that it could proceed peacefully and with respect to both the Hindu and Muslim peoples of India, was slim and decreased to the point where Britain essentially withdrew and simply left the people of India to their own devices.
Instead of a united and independent India, what happened was a series of violent and horrific ethnic killings, provoked by sometimes almost trivial events on both sides, that began and then escalated and finally led to such mistrust and hatred that any hope of the peoples staying together in one country were lost as a result. The descriptions of how formerly peaceful neighbors would suddenly turn on one another, simply because one was Muslim and the other Hindu, are striking and chilling. It brings to mind other similar circumstances this world has seen in other areas in subsequent years.
In interviews recently, when Hajari has been discussing this book, he has also expressed his view that the foundations for much of the current behavior of Pakistan - it's support of insurgent groups in Afghanistan for example - can be found in this early history. He suggests that Pakistan's principal preoccupation since this time has been it's historic enemy India, and that just about all of it's decisions regarding involvement in conflicts outside of Pakistan can be connected to this distrust and fear of India.
I'm not convinced about that, but in reading the book it's not at all the main point anyway. I felt that I took away from this book a much greater understanding of the events of the period of roughly 1946 through 1948 or 49. Gandhi was assassinated on January 30, 1948. Jinnah had been very ill and finally died on September 11, 1948. Nehru was the only leader of those top three to still be healthy and in power. Pakistan was running out of money and from a practical standpoint really unable to continue to pursue any aggression against India. The countries began to settle into the divided condition that persists today, with the Kashmir region still unresolved and with the area of Eastern Pakistan later splitting off in 1971 and forming the current country of Bangladesh.
With millions killed and many more millions displaced, the violence that followed after the partition of British India is considered one of the greatest tragedies of the century. Yet so little is known about this tragic part of our history.
The author Nisid Hajair through this book provides a really insightful analysis of the Partition of British India and a detailed accounts of its consequences. The first few chapters focus on the initial fissures between communities and the strained equation between two main leaders Jinnah and Nehru, their irreconcilable differences. The latter half of the book focuses more on detailing the initial triggers, retaliation, and the atrocities during communal violence. Also discusses the role of various individuals, leaders, and organizations who were directly or indirectly involved in these killings.
While it was very interesting to read, yet the detailed description of the killings, rapes and violence made it a depressing read. Maybe that's the reason why not much is spoken about this despite being a very major event in our country's recent history.
Though I personally believe more blame lies with the founders of Pakistan and its supporters, reading the details in the book, made me more cognizant that things aren't black and white, and there were blunders from both the side. Even if you were to attribute more blame on one side over the other, what comes clear is that most victims of the violence were innocent people who might have nothing to do with these political decisions.
Overall, a highly recommended read if interested to know about partition.