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Primeval Kinship: How Pair-Bonding Gave Birth to Human Society 1st Edition

4.9 out of 5 stars 12 ratings

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At some point in the course of evolution―from a primeval social organization of early hominids―all human societies, past and present, would emerge. In this account of the dawn of human society, Bernard Chapais shows that our knowledge about kinship and society in nonhuman primates supports, and informs, ideas first put forward by the distinguished social anthropologist, Claude Lévi-Strauss.

Chapais contends that only a few evolutionary steps were required to bridge the gap between the kinship structures of our closest relatives―chimpanzees and bonobos―and the human kinship configuration. The pivotal event, the author proposes, was the evolution of sexual alliances. Pair-bonding transformed a social organization loosely based on kinship into one exhibiting the strong hold of kinship and affinity. The implication is that the gap between chimpanzee societies and pre-linguistic hominid societies is narrower than we might think.

Many books on kinship have been written by social anthropologists, but
Primeval Kinship is the first book dedicated to the evolutionary origins of human kinship. And perhaps equally important, it is the first book to suggest that the study of kinship and social organization can provide a link between social and biological anthropology.

Editorial Reviews

Review

“Bernard Chapais offers a powerful and controversial new account of hominid origins… His book offers us one more scenario of our human trajectory… Chapais‘ thesis urges us to consider very carefully why humans are so different.”Monique Borgerhoff Mulder, Nature

“Chapais has written a bold, new book that promises nothing less than the unveiling of the original, earliest form of human society and an account of how it developed over evolutionary time. The book indeed fulfills this promise, presenting a persuasive, well-argued, logical evolutionary scenario based on empirical data and a sound comparative method…
Primeval Kinship presents powerful arguments concerning the origin and evolutionary path of human kinship. It reopens old questions, long abandoned, about the origins of human society, and addresses them with a brilliant synthesis of recent primate data. Chapais has demonstrated that primatology is now positioned to make significant contributions to the study of human kinship. This work will undoubtedly open further debate and inspire further research. It effectively dispels the view that human kinship is a purely cultural construction or that kinship can be understood outside the framework of our primate legacy.”Linda Stone, Evolutionary Psychology

Primeval Kinship represents a bold effort to integrate two wildly disparate disciplines, primatology and cultural anthropology, to understand long-standing questions about the evolution of human society. With an increasing tendency toward specialization in science, there are few who dare step outside of their comfort zones to attempt broad, wide-ranging syntheses on problems that go to the heart of what it is to be human. In this regard, Chapais should be lauded for his labors and for an extremely stimulating read. His reasoned and careful treatment of the primate data provides considerable food for thought about how and why we have come to be the way we are.”John C. Mitani, Primates

Primeval Kinship is a treasure chest of comparative research on human and primate social structure, organization, and behavior. This book will reignite and reinvigorate discussions of the evolution of primate and human society. It will be a model from which future social and physical anthropologists, primatologists, and social scientists can build.”Robert Wald Sussman, Professor of Anthropology and Environmental Sciences, Washington University in St. Louis

About the Author

Bernard Chapais is Professor of Anthropology, University of Montréal.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Harvard University Press; 1st edition (March 15, 2010)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Paperback ‏ : ‎ 368 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0674046412
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0674046412
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.25 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.14 x 0.92 x 9.21 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.9 out of 5 stars 12 ratings

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  • Reviewed in the United States on February 22, 2013
    RECIPROCAL EXOGAMY: THE EVOLUTIONARY PATHWAY FROM PROMISCUITY TO PAIR-BONDED "MARRIAGE" AND THE BIRTH OF HUMAN SOCIETY.

    A. THE PROMISCUITY OF CHIMPANZEES. The chimpanzee is our closest primate ancestor. (99% genetic similarity.) They live in multi-male, multi-female groups. The females, even in the wild, will copulate with a large number of adult males at very high frequencies. (Up to 1800 times per conception!) Please note, however, that we now know that there are some males in their group with whom they will not mate. Until very recently, say 1983, most anthropologists were of the view that chimpanzees had, if anything a strong proclivity/inclination to incestuous sexual relations. And of all non-human primates, there is only one, the Gibbon, which is pair-bonded. Is it any wonder then that most scientists believed that human sexual morality had no biologic, evolutionary roots, and that, as Freud believed, human sexual "taboos" were mere cultural "constructs"? In short, a matter for "free will" and discriminating taste. (`Yes, most people choose vanilla; but I prefer rhubarb.') Today, however, most primatologists believe exactly the opposite: that human incest prohibitions evolved directly from "biologically encoded mating regularities" of our primate relatives. Question: Who would the female chimps not have sex with? Answer: the only male chimps whom she had the ability to recognize as her kin: brother(s) with whom she was raised.

    B. CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS' THEORY THAT THE "DEEP STRUCTURE" THAT RUNS THROUGH ALL HUMAN SOCIETIES IS A RESULT OF"RECIPROCAL EXOGAMY."

    Exogamy is the social practice of allowing marriage only outside the social group. It is "outbreeding" and it delivers to those who practice it a clear evolutionary benefit: offspring will be healthier and more likely to survive. Even oak trees have developed a means of practicing exogamy! Reciprocal exogamy is where two separate societies make an exchange of their women, one to the other.

    Claude Levi-Strauss is widely considered - along with George Frazer and Franz Boas - as the "father" of modern anthropology. Levi-Strauss believed that to reconstruct the origins of human society, the first step is to "define its deep structure." His theory, in short, highlighted above, is: No reciprocal exogamy, no human society. Very, very basic stuff, like ligaments and muscles and bones in in our bodies! When Levi-Strauss first published this theory in 1949, he opined that humans - because of their "intelligence!" - had discovered reciprocal exogamy on their own; that it (reciprocal exogamy) "marked the transition from nature to culture." The "incest taboo" was created by humans, according to Levi-Strauss, as a negative proscription because, without it, nothing would force men to go outside their insular kinship circle to find women.

    C. RECIPROCAL EXOGAMY CREATES THE "BRIDGE" BETWEEN INSULAR, MUTUALLY ANTAGNOSTIC HUMAN GROUPS, A BRIDGE THAT ULTIMATELY CREATES TRIBES, STATES AND NATIONS.

    Levi-Strauss' theory is commonly called the "Alliance Theory." By this theory, weddings are not just parties celebrating an emotional bond between 2 people, but are a form of communication between two extended families. Marriage, by this view, creates complex webs of alliance ("affinity" is the technical term) that stretch from the present (brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews), back into the past (mothers, fathers, grandfathers, etc.) and into the future (children, grandchildren, cousins, etc.).

    The two elements of Levi-Strauss' theory are perhaps worth elaborating. (1) Of all the commodities that may be exchanged, "women are the most precious possession;" accordingly, the exchange of women is the form of reciprocity whose social consequences are the most profound. (2) Reciprocity and exchange are part of humankind's neurobiological makeup and has "at once social, religious, utilitarian, sentimental, jural and moral" significance. Thus, "Exchange - and consequently the rule of exogamy which expresses it - has in itself a social value; it provides the means of binding men together."

    THE "MARRYING-OUT OR BEING KILLED" OUT APHORISM.

    Levi-Strauss' theory was not altogether novel. Thus, Edward Tyler wrote in 1889: "When tribes begin to adjoin...and quarrel, then the difference between marrying-in and marrying-out becomes patent. Endogamy is a policy of isolation....Among tribes....there is but one means of keeping up permanent alliance and that means is intermarriage....Again and again in the world's history, savage tribes must have had plainly before their minds the simple practical alternative between marrying-out and being killed-out."

    D. THE CONVERGENCE OF LEVI-STRAUSS' ALLIANCE THEORY AND MODERN PRIMATOLOGY.

    The primatological research I am about to present is all found in Bernard Chapais' wonderful (but technical) new book, "Primeval Kinship: How Pair-Bonding Gave Birth to Human Society." As noted, Levi-Strauss believed that humans themselves had created reciprocal exogamy as an ad hoc expedient. Late in life, as new primate studies were being published, he grudgingly hinted that his theory was perhaps a "synthetic duplication of mechanisms already in existence." Chapais shows just how prescient he was.

    BUILDING BLOCKS OF A SPECIES' SOCIAL STRUCTURE.

    The essence of Chapais' argument is that the uniqueness of the human system.... is not in inventing something new, but in bringing together existing behavioral regularities of other primate relatives into new combinations. He draws an analogy with comparative anatomists who look, for instance, for the phylogenic roots of the human foot. Detailed similarities between human and nonhuman primates, and their ancient relatives, have consistently been accepted to infer evolutionary connections. And sometimes anatomical connections are hard to see, for instance, between a reptilian jawbone and certain bones near the human ear. But that connection (the "homology") becomes obvious when you examine a series of x-rays showing a primate embryo's jawbone literally "moving into position." But, says Chapais, there is a double standard when it comes to the evolution of behavior; there is intense resistance to using the same techniques to discover the roots of human behavior. (Many of us, perhaps all, don't like to feel our "free will" is circumscribed in any way.)

    FITTING THE CHIMPANZEE INTO THE HUMAN BEHAVIORAL PICTURE.

    As noted at the start, on first glance, the chimps sexual behavior looks nothing like our own. But let's take a closer look. The chimp female does possess an incest inhibition; it's just that the only male chimps she recognizes as kin are her maternal brothers. Those brothers, because of the "Westermarck effect" (discussed infra) have little sexual interest in their maternal sisters; nor with their mother. In short, "motherhood" in the Chimpanzee world, creates a surprisingly complex kinship system characterized by grooming, tolerance at food sites and aiding in conflicts. This "nepotism" usually results in the transfer of mother's dominance ranking to her offspring. Jane Goodall reports similar bonding between paternal grandmothers and grandchildren. Female chimps "disperse" from their home group at about 11 years, usually while in estrus, and make overtures to males in alien groups which they hope to join. Primatologists believe that incest avoidance provides the best explanation for these "between-group" transfers.

    THE WESTERMARCK EFFECT.
    In 1891 Edward Westermarck proposed that close intimacy between individuals raised together from childhood bred a "remarkable absence of erotic feelings." The Westermarck effect has been confirmed in innumerable primate studies. Note however that the strength of the effect varies according to amount of time the two sexes live together as juveniles. Also, individual primates often are closely related but unfamiliar with each other, as many paternal kin are, and these most often do not avoid sex, indicating that it is the familiarity, not kinship per se, that accounts for incest avoidance. Cross-fostered macaques were found to display the Westermarck effect, reacting to their foster siblings as though they were kin and avoiding sex. Human studies: One large study of children raised from birth in multi-sex peer groups of 6 to 8 in Israeli found that no marriages were contracted for those so raised though there was no prohibition. In another Israeli study of Kibbutzim, not a single instance of heterosexual activity was reported, either as adolescents or adults, for children raised for many together in the same peer group. Another 2 studies from Taiwan and China, respectively, involved so-called "minor marriages," a practice of a minor girl, often an infant, taken into the groom's family and raised in close intimacy with her future husband. Upon coming of age the couples uniformly showed great reluctance to marry, had 40% fewer offspring and a 300% greater probability of divorce. This researcher's conclusion: "for people who live together and play together before age 10, there is a remarkable absence of erotic feeling." The Westermarck effect is now universally accepted by primatologists and ethnologists. But not by some social anthropologists! They accept the data, but refuse to make the connection! Accusing the primatologists of anthropomorphism, one critic argued: "...incest avoidance (by primates) and incest prohibitions (of humans) may look alike, but they are unconnected, and the latter are not derived from the former." The argument of many anthropologists is captured in this argument of Marshall Sahlins: "...human society overcame or subordinated such primate propensities as selfishness, (and) indiscriminate sexuality....It substituted kinship and co-operation for conflict....in its early days it accomplished the greatest reform in history, the overthrow of human primate nature." So, the subject is today still marked by controversy. Place your bet!

    THE POLYGYLNOUS SOCIETY OF GORILLAS.

    Gorillas are our third closest living primate relative. They live in polygynous groups of one dominant male and two or more females. The gorilla's is a stable breeding bond exhibiting sexual exclusivity, despite the occasional presence of subordinate males. Some males travel in "bachelor bands" and there is the occasional rogue male. Infanticide by males -but never by the father - accounts for 37% of infant mortality. Which is why females, who are less than half the size of males, form lasting unions with powerful males. Primatologists consider that the gorilla is pair-bonded; it's just that he has multiple pair-bonds! DNA testing of infants (by collecting their scat!) reveals that his "wives" are sexually faithful. Fathers do recognize their offspring, do not practice incest with their daughters and do engage in paternal nepotism: protecting them, showing marked levels of infant tolerance (who in turn are highly attracted to him) and will intervene in the infants' disputes. The gorilla resembles in many respects the ideal human father.... except for his killing of other gorilla infants and his extreme sexual aggression shown to any male who threatens his harem!

    HUMANS AND PRIMATES: THE ONLY DIFFERENCE IS THE COMBINATION OF BUILDING BLOCKS.

    Humans and primates have very nearly the same DNA. One primate, the Gibbon, has a truly monogamous pair-bonded mating pattern. Most of the other primates are polygynous, meaning they have a stable "breeding bond" which is sexually exclusive. Even in primates like the chimpanzee, with multi-male, multi-female bands, kinship bonds are recognized and strong, even though limited to the maternal side. When individual primates have the ability to recognize kin, they always exhibit incest avoidance. The Westermarck effect is just as powerful and just as prevalent in primates as with humans. A major difference between primate and humans is that primates exhibit no intraspecific variation in their mating patterns: all Chimpanzees are promiscuous, all gorillas polygynous, etc. Humans, on the other hand, exhibit all of these mating patterns, although, fair to say, most are pair-bonded. Even so, as I've stated in an earlier essay, the human gene pool still contains that unique marker of a "tournament" species, "implanted" genes. Thus, we are said to be "tragically conflicted" with some tendency to gorilla-like traits. Why did one primate "choose" one mating pattern and not another? That's peculiar to the history of each primate, but the simple answer is ....natural selection through some unique evolutionary process. How did humans evolve to the pair-bond? Same answer: evolutionary pressures "shaped" our character.

    THE SHAPING OF HUMANS: PAIR-BOND MATING BECAME "MARRIAGE."

    Modern man (Homo sapiens) first began as a "hunter-gatherer" with a monogamous pair-bonded mating system. This system is further characterized by sexual specialization in food gathering. We know this because all present day hunter-gatherers display this pattern. Chimpanzees also display this food-gathering specialization, although meat (usually other monkeys) constitutes for them a much smaller part of their diet. We know from examination of early hominid's teeth, that there was a transition to a meat rich diet and this was caused by the expansion of his brain. (Which upped caloric needs 30%+) Maybe because of a trade-off (bigger brain, less musculature) males became smaller and sexual dimorphism was reduced. Evidence? Australopithecines' sexual dimorphism was much greater than ours; Homo erectus, who lived as recently as 300,000 years ago, displayed about the same mild physical differences between the sexes as we do. Also, when Homo sapiens males took up group hunting, because of the communication and social coordination required in that activity, they necessarily took on a far more egalitarian attitude, one to another. Maybe also a more lithe body type.

    Why did early Homo sapiens transition from a polygynous breeding pattern to monogamous pair-bonding? First, reduced sexual dimorphism is always associated with reduced male-male competition which itself tends towards a Gibbons style pattern.

    But Chapais has another intriguing theory. When the competitive abilities of males are well differentiated, as it is in a clear dominance hierarchy, rank by itself settles most conflicts. Aggression/violence occurs only between a higher ranked male and the next ranked male who is attempting a coup. Chapais speculates: What if all males had approximately the same strength and fighting ability? In this situation, conflicts would be extremely costly and indecisive. Males would be better off finding another form of competition. He gives the example of the Barbary macaques. Males have some exceptionally dangerous weapons (teeth and claws). Primatologists, have observed male Macaques seemingly going out of their way to avoid fights over females in estrus, and have speculated that it is because of a kind of "stalemate."

    Now consider hominid males in a hunting group (band of brothers)... and their shiny new weapons (axes, knives, spears, etc.). In this situation, it might be extremely costly for a single male to try to monopolize several females, when a good hunting buddy in the cave next door, has none. According to this reasoning, says Chapais, generalized polygyny was bound to give way eventually to generalized monogamy. It was not pair-bonding per se that caused monogamy; it was other elements such as the rise of technology that together over evolutionary time brought it about. Conclusion: the male drive for polygyny was "checked not eliminated;" it could reemerge whenever a male became able to attract females based on attributes other than physical prowess. (Think Wilt Chamberlain or JFK)

    CONCLUSION

    1. We individuals have a powerful urge to belong....to anything outside ourselves - be it race, religion, ideology, anything with "cultural" content - that enables you or me to distinguish ourselves from "others," and give us a sense of identity.

    2. This "urge to belong" exerts a powerful centripetal force pulling us inwards, tending to make insular and xenophobic those cultural "vehicles" we belong to.

    3. "Marry-out or be killed-out" - that is our choice.

    4. "Marriage" - as it developed out of the "deep structure of our evolutionary past - is anything but a simple "cultural construct". Because it is rooted in our biology, it exerts an unconscious centrifugal influence, pushing us out so that we may make contact with those "others."
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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 27, 2019
    This is one of the most detailed and original books that I have read. As I am interested in human origins I cannot recommend this book highly enough. Apparently while much has been written on our physical origins from primates, human behavior has largely been neglected as originating from our primate ancestors. Every page is informative and this is a very logical work and an example of great scholarship. The author spent more than 25 years in studying primate behavior with a degree as a primatologist. This should be rated way over 5 stars. I believe that the author has provided an answer to our behavioral origins that will stand the test of time and is a great advance in understanding just where we came from. A tremendous book.
  • Reviewed in the United States on October 6, 2015
    This is one of the most important books ever written on the foundations of human society, most certainly on the transition from nonhuman primate societies to human societies.

    I can't assess the validity of the evidence (primate behavior), and surely there will be debate about that and the reasoning from it. But I don't see much possibility of anyone seeking to understand the origins of human sociality and ignoring this book.

    One of its key messages is the extent to which culturally articulated rules guiding human social behavior did not separate humans from their primate ancestors but, rather, codified what had already evolved in those ancestors.

    Anyone with a general interest in anthropology should be familiar with this work.
  • Reviewed in the United States on January 3, 2009
    In this book Professor Chapais has brought together a huge amount of information bearing upon the origins of human mating systems,kinship, incest avoidance, and the emergence of monogamy. Many of the insights he offers spring from a deep knowledge of the behaviour of non-human primates. Humans evolved from non-human precursors and,as the reproductive behaviour of fossil hominids is forever shrouded in mystery, comparative studies of the extant anthropoids offer the best hope of illuminating the past.

    Among the African apes, for example, male chimpanzees and bonobos tend to be philopatric and remain in their natal groups, whilst females emigrate at sexual maturity. Wrangham has pointed this out also, and posits that the common ancestors of humans and the African apes and humans might have lived in groups with male philopatry. The ancestors of chimpanzees gave rise to extant forms that live in large, fusion-fission communities, where multiple-partner matings and sperm competition tactics are highly developed. The hominid line, by contrast probably involved specializations for polygyny ( "one male units") as components of larger groups, followed by a transition to increasing emphasis on monogamy as the principal mating system. Chapais advances intriguing ideas as to how these transitions might have occurred.

    This book deserves to be a landmark volume, especially for serious scholars of anthropology, primatology and the evolution of human reproduction.
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Top reviews from other countries

  • A. Volk
    5.0 out of 5 stars Highly logical, thoughtful review of human kinship
    Reviewed in Canada on November 24, 2010
    This book is one of the better thought-out science books I've read in a while. Written by primatologist Bernard Chapais, it examines human kinship from an evolutionary perspective. Rather than speculate about particular adaptive scenarios as his baseline, Chapais uses comparative evidence from primates, particularly our closer ancestors, to lay out the basic building blocks of primate societies and how they could lead to the evolution human kinship. Make no mistake, this isn't a simplistic series of comparisons. This book has some of the sharpest evolutionary thinking I've come across recently. Chapais lays out a highly plausible sequence of evolutionary events beginning with our split from a common ancestor with chimpanzees, through hominid evolution, to human evolution. Each stage is clearly laid out, follows logically from the preceding steps, has visible analogies in other primates under similar presumed ecological conditions, and leads to a wide variety of side-adaptations. In a nutshell, male cooperation led to pair bonds, which led to kin groups. That's a VERY simplistic explanation of what is a detailed argument that goes against much of the previous social anthropological research as well as some of the evolutionary research. Interestingly, Chapais supports the general conclusions of famous anthropologist Levi-Strauss, but he draws them from a very different pool of evidence that has very different implications for the origins and nature of human kinship.

    All in all, this is a great book for anyone interested in kinship structures and/or human evolution. My only hesitation in recommending it is that it is dense. Not overly complicated, nor necessarily inaccessible to the average reader (although there is some academic lingo). There simply is a lot of argument packed into this book, so the 300 pages take some serious effort to properly read and absorb. Put in that effort though, and I think you'll be pleasantly rewarded with the clarity and forcefulness of Chapais' arguments. Strongly recommended, just not as a light read.