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The Tyranny of Clichés: How Liberals Cheat in the War of Ideas Paperback – April 30, 2013
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—The Claremont Review of Books
According to Jonah Goldberg, if the greatest trick the devil ever pulled was convincing the world he didn’t exist, the greatest trick liberals ever pulled was convincing themselves they’re not ideological.
Today, “objective” journalists, academics, and “moderate” politicians peddle some of the most radical arguments by hiding them in homespun aphorisms. Barack Obama casts himself as a disciple of reason: He’s a pragmatist, opposed to the ideology and drama of the Right, solely concerned with “what works.” And today’s liberals follow his lead, spouting countless clichés such as:
• One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter: Sure, if the other man is an idiot. Was Martin Luther King Jr. a terrorist? Was Bin Laden a freedom fighter?
• Violence never solves anything: Really? It solved our problems with King George III and ended slavery.
• We need complete separation of church and state: In other words, all expressions of faith should be barred from politics . . . except when they support liberal programs.
With humor and passion, Goldberg dismantles these and many other Trojan horses that liberals use to cheat in the war of ideas. He shows that the Progressive tradition of denying an ideological agenda while pursuing it vigorously under the false flag of reasonableness is alive and well. And he reveals how this dangerous game may lead us further down the path of self-destruction.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSentinel
- Publication dateApril 30, 2013
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.9 x 8.4 inches
- ISBN-101595231021
- ISBN-13978-1595231024
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—John Podhoretz, editor, Commentary magazine
“Everyone says ‘think for yourself’ but very few people do. In The Tyranny of Clichés, Jonah Goldberg reveals how we’ve become trapped by ideas we think we understand but don’t. A must read.”
—Vince Vaughn, actor and producer
“Bold, brilliant, and bursting with humor, every page of The Tyranny of Clichés is right on the money. If you thought Liberal Fascism was good, wait till you read The Tyranny of Clichés—it is fantastic!”
—Brad Thor, bestselling author of Full Black
“It might be the best and most fun-to-read primer on the tenets of conservative politics since P. J. O’Rourke’s Parliament of Whores.”
—Mark Hemingway, senior writer, The Weekly Standard
“Whether you love or hate what he has to say, you’ve got to love the way Jonah Goldberg says it.”
—SENATOR MARCO RUBIO (R–FLORIDA), AUTHOR OF AN AMERICAN SON
“The puncturing of pretentions and disruption of lazy thinking are extra base hits in journalism. Doing so with humor and originality on every page qualifies Goldberg’s work as a grand slam.”
—FORMER GOVERNOR MITCH DANIELS (R–INDIANA), AUTHOR OF KEEPING THE REPUBLIC
About the Author
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- Publisher : Sentinel; Reprint edition (April 30, 2013)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1595231021
- ISBN-13 : 978-1595231024
- Item Weight : 11.2 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.9 x 8.4 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,319,930 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,394 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #2,640 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #5,624 in U.S. Political Science
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About the author
JONAH GOLDBERG is the Asness Chair in Applied Liberty at the American Enterprise Institute and is a Senior Editor at National Review. A best-selling author, his nationally syndicated column appears regularly in over a hundred newspapers across the United States. He is also a weekly columnist for the Los Angeles Times, a member of the board of contributors to USA Today, a Fox News contributor, and a regular member of the “Fox News All-Stars” on “Special Report with Bret Baier.”
He was the founding editor of National Review Online. The Atlantic magazine has identified Goldberg as one of the top 50 political commentators in America. Among his awards, in 2011 he was named the Robert J. Novak Journalist of the Year at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). He has written on politics, media, and culture for a wide variety of leading publications and has appeared on numerous television and radio programs. He is the author of the forthcoming "Suicide of the West" (Crown Forum, 2018), as well as two New York Times bestsellers: “The Tyranny of Clichés” (Sentinel HC, 2012) and “Liberal Fascism” (Doubleday, 2008).
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If you are the sort of person who loves a good political discussion, you have no doubt at times been stymied by one of the clichés the Goldberg deconstructs. These are passed off in conversation as conventional wisdom, essentially immune to challenge. Heck, sometimes they are even taught in schools. However, much like the Wicked Witch of the West facing a bucket of water (that's for the Flying Monkeys out there), they melt on contact, in this case with facts and logic.
Probably the biggest of the clichés is the trope that a progressive ideology is really just "pragmatism". After all, who is against pragmatism? Time and again he exposes the effort to insinuate this idea or another as not an ideology but rather common sense. Ideologies are debated. Conventional wisdom is immune from such thoughtful consideration. In particular, Goldberg takes on those clichés
that are used as tools to advance an agenda (This section also the great line "The French Enlightenment was a lot like the Star Wars franchise: It started great; it just evolved into a disaster over time.")
Take the "No Labels" movement. Guided by NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg, but with intellectual roots back to "another famously short egomaniac, Napolean", it claimed to be a group without any party affiliation and a non-partisan agenda. In practice, it just turned out idea that all of the "pragmatic" ideas the group pushed were state-oriented solutions to perceived social problems. The Venn diagrams for No Labels and Progressives were highly overlapped. "No Labels" was just a false flag for advancing that agenda without having to argue the ideology.
A few of the other choice bits:
The Left like to think of itself as a "Reality Based Community" with science on its side. Sure. Just as long as certain uncomfortable truths can be defined out of the "fact" column and filed under "agree to disagree". This is not a respect for science, but "scientism", the use of the white lab coat as a trump card. It is intended to stop a closer examination of the science (as Al Gore put it "The time for debate is over!"). If the Neuroscience faculty turns out another "what's the matter with conservatives" journal article, Goldberg argues that it is probably relevant that they faculty has a 13:1 liberal to conservative ratio. Scientism on the left is described as essentially Bill Murray in Ghostbusters saying: "Back off man, I'm a scientist". It turns out that folks on the Left actually are pretty human in picking and choosing the reality on which their community is based
Another one: The Right is for "social Darwinism". This is particularly galling since a) that's not what the folks on the Right would more appropriately call the idea that "actions have consequences" and b) the progressives were the ones who tried to go a step beyond ACTUAL Darwinism and embrace eugenics of Margaret Sanger, et al.
Violence never solved anything? Well, other than ending slavery, stopping Nazism, and creating a United States (and that's just a partial list for the U.S. Army). It's a statement that is just moronic after even a moment's thought.
Chapters which covered the truth about witch hunts and what Marie Antoinette actually said were not only entertaining and well-researched, but areas of history in which I was misinformed. Also: slippery slopes aren't so slippery, and dissent is the highest form of patriotism...in certain circumstances.
You get the idea. As Brad Thor (again) said: "Straw man down!"
This aspect of the book is fun, but the cliché-debunking really has a feel of a fish-meets-barrel-meets-gun proposition. The meat of the book is when Goldberg discusses the implications that these clichés have for modern politics, hence the "Tyranny" of the title. Goldberg's goal, and this is congruent with Liberal Fascism, is to expose the shoddy thinking, obfuscation, and duplicity that undergirds the progressive movement. In the end, these clichés are not intended to serve as arguments, but rather intended to stop them. Other times they steal an intellectual base by assuming facts not in evidence. Stripping the clichés out of the progressive armamentarium turns the conflict back into a level-ground discussion of ideas and results. If readers finish Goldberg's book somewhat more willing to think for themselves, he is confident that the ideas of the Right will win in any fair fight.
So I give a strong endorsement for his latest book. It is an enjoyable read, but, with apologies Highlights, it is fun with a purpose. If conservatism is "standing athwart history, yelling stop", then this is pointing a finger at history and saying "you gotta be kidding me, right?"
5 stars
I don't try to reproduce his arguments in full detail. Read the book for that. It's light hearted and fun while being thorough and well annotated. Here are some examples.
Ideology - The cliché is "I am not ideological; I just want to pursue a policy that works." The question of course, is works for what or for whom or at what cost either directly or in unintended consequences? Ideology properly understood is simply a view of the world, and everyone has one, even if it's not stated. All ideologies when expressed as political programs claim to work. So the choice isn't between ideology and no ideology, but between good and bad ideologies.
Pragmatism - The pragmatist hates "binding rules or principles", but he does pursue a principle, namely power. His will is the ultimate arbiter, though underneath it there is probably an unstated ideology. President Woodrow Wilson imposed strong economic controls, censorship, and propaganda to rally the country behind the effort to win World War I. The success of this effort in what was arguably a just cause has led later Progressives to invoke the "moral equivalent of war" , another cliché, to advance various social/political causes, that is, ideologies, including Roosevelt's New Deal, all under the banner of pragmatism.
Pragmatism has several sub-species. One is the Moderate Centrist, who derides the Extremist. Politics is full of this. One extreme wants to build a bridge over a 100-foot canyon. The other denies the need for a bridge at all. The Moderate Centrist proposes a 50-foot bridge. One of the extremes is right and the issue deserves thought. The independent moderate who splits the difference "has no idea what to do and doesn't want to bother with figuring it out".
Another recent sub-species goes by the No Labels moniker. They want to transcend ideology and just want to solve problems. What they really mean when they say that we must lay down our labels is we must "unilaterally put aside all of [our] philosophical and principled objections and get with their program", or "accept [their] priorities as fact and wisdom."
Goldberg claims that while Progressives obscure their ideology in a pragmatic cloak of invisibility, Conservatives or Classical Liberals are honest about theirs; in fact prefer to start a discussion with their ideological or philosophical basis rather than just a statement of what they want. This seems true to me, but others with a more Progressive bent may be able to mount a counter argument.
Social Darwinism exemplifies a common type of historical twist in the development of a cliché. It is used as shorthand for anything that can be seen as callousness of a right wing sort. "Everyone knows" that it is a school of philosophy created by Herbert Spencer in the mid nineteenth century. Except that Spencer never used the term, was not even much of a Darwinist, and the term appears favorably only once in a scholarly publication in the intervening century, and then Spencer was not mentioned. In fact, while Spencer was a laissez-faire liberal who - - "supported women's suffrage and loathed slavery, many of the progressives who hated him were committed eugenicists and racists" who based their prescriptions for social improvement on a misreading of Darwin.
Dissent is the Highest Form of Patriotism - Often attributed to Thomas Jefferson, though that is contradicted by the scholars at the Jefferson Library, and misses the point that what counts is "what the dissenter is dissenting from - and why". Politicians who say they want to "fundamentally transform" America claim to love their country, but if they said they wanted to fundamentally transform their wives we, and she, might question their love.
Social Justice is the epitome of clichés. Everyone from the garden variety Progressive to the American Nazi Party uses it, but few will define what they mean by it beyond general goodness. For example, the Yale Social Justice Network in a mission statement on its website (I looked it up) says
"The Social Justice Network at Yale is a coalition of organizations and individuals working for social justice and social change at Yale, in New Haven, and beyond. SJN is dedicated to building a community among and reaching out to those who identify themselves as working for social justice, while helping activists develop skills necessary to acheive [sic] this change."
They go on to describe how they facilitate such activists, but don't give us a hint as to just what sort of change they want, much less what social justice means to them. The phrase seems to mean everything to those who care about it and nothing to the rest of us; though we can be fairly sure it connotes a fair amount of wealth redistribution.
The history of Social Justice is another example of how a concept with real meaning becomes a meaningless mouthing which, if it has any meaning at all, is orthogonal to the original. The term originated with Catholic moral theologian Luige Taparelli d'Azeglio in an 1840 treatise on natural law. This was a period of strengthening national governments, and d'Azeglio was concerned that states were intruding too much in the workings of civil society as expressed in voluntary associations and the like (probably including the Church). He meant the term to mean those activities that lay beyond the proper reach of civil law, or justice in the sense of courts. It was brought to the US by Father Charles Coughlin among others in the early twentieth century. Coughlin is something of a cliché himself as he is routinely described as a "right wing radio priest", but he was well to the left of Franklin Roosevelt on just about every aspect of the New Deal. He earned the "right-wing" label from a complex mix of anti-Semitism and ambiguous relationship with Nazism. Wikipedia has a long article on him.
Community is a multi-faceted cliché. The sense of it that Goldberg attacks is expressed in statements like "Government is simply the name we give to the things that we choose to do together", or "civil society is just a term social scientists use to describe the way we work together for common purposes (H. Clinton in It Takes a Village)". Both of these supposed meanings are false on their face and pernicious in their application. Even at a simple level they are false because Americans do many things together that are in no way done by the government or even civil society, such as watch the Super Bowl, attend stock car races, or vote for a particular presidential candidate. Even these activities are done by no more than maybe half the people. Things that are actually done on behalf of all the people, like serving in the Armed Forces, are actually done by only a few percent of us. Only about half of us pay income tax.
Worse though than these elementary errors in meaning is that these statements imply confusion between the Government and the State, and the further confusion about what the State means. Government in Anglo-Saxon tradition is "for the most part a necessary evil" to which independent citizens give consent to keep order and perform certain services, like deliver the mail. We give government the great power necessary to accomplish these duties, but limit its scope, or realm of application. The State, however, in European, especially German tradition is an all-encompassing entity. It attempts to give meaning to people's lives. In its natural progression it constrains civil society as much as possible. It claims to have the consent of everybody, and in the extreme ensures this by killing everyone who disagrees.
Violence never solves anything is one of the "greatest examples of something transparently untrue nonetheless serving as profound and high-minded." This is demonstrated with a few pithy examples such as the madman who is stopped with judicious application of police bullets, or the global slave trade that was stopped internationally by British force, and in the US by the Civil War.
The use of violence runs counter to the Enlightenment tradition which assumes that men are open to reason without recourse to violence. "But unpleasant truths do not cease to be true because they are unpleasant. "
The modern liberal seems to be in denial about the use of force. Take taxation. We often hear them say something to the effect of "It is only right that we ask everyone to pay their [sic] fair share." When the government imposes taxes, it doesn't ask, it tells. The threat of violence in response to non-payment is more than implied. To put it bluntly, violence solves the problem of people not paying their taxes.
Violence also solves the problem of violence. According to Steven Pinker in his The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence has Declined, in the pre-state era before the rise of the first feudal kings, 15% of the population died from violence. After kings imposed order - violently! - such deaths dropped to around 3%.
Mohandas K. Gandhi, the prince of non-violence, comes in for some good-natured jabs such as that the popular movie, Gandhi, left out his first hunger strike, devoted to protesting the British effort to grant the Untouchables greater rights and freedoms. Also left out was his imploring the British to surrender to the Nazis in WWII, or for the European Jews to commit mass suicide. His non-violence was able to flourish only in the protected environment provided by British liberalism, which by the way also employed massive violence against Hitler. Gandhi would not have survived long in Hitler's Germany.
Whether qualifying as a cliché or just ignorance of history, the notion that Christianity and specifically the Catholic Church held humanity back for "thousands" of years is shown to be profoundly in error and often generalized to diminish the role of Western Civilization in world history. This is a long chapter, touching on Martin Luther, the Protestant Reformation, the Crusades, Witch Hunts and the Inquisition. Most of these are shown to be seriously distorted in modern education. While not denying that the Church, and Western Civilization, have at times failed to live up to their ideals, they at least had them, and the Church preserved them through difficult times. In fact I, as a committed agnostic, find this defense of the Church by a self-identified "fairly secular Jew" to be the most compelling I have seen.
If you think you understand and often use phrases like Middle Class, Spiritual but not Religious, An Ounce of Prevention, Science, and Democracy, then read Goldberg to at least sharpen your understanding of their history and of your discourse.
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Goldberg's knowledge of history is deep, and his scholarship wide. He corrects many wrong notions we have come to associate with the middle ages. For all their so called view of treating the earth as the centre of the universe, those men were not arrogant. Maria Antoinette was not so
foolish as to ask people to eat cake, when there was no bread, as popular books have made it out. Those days, bakers were required to sell the higher-priced cake at the same price as bread, if they ran out of stock of bread! So, there was both sense and compassion in her so called statement, but there is no record of her having made such a statement at all!
The leftists, calling themselves liberal, deny that they are addicted to ideology. But they do subscribe to the Marxist notion of history as both predetermined and unidirectional and as a corollorary consider the past as stupid, and the present as better. This is the song of the progressives But can they say that the cruel tyranny of the authoritarianism of the Chinese was better? They are notoriously silent when it comes to leftist -inspired tyranny! But to judge history, we must have some values. But what values do the leftists have except moral relativism, on the basis of which Osama Bin Laden is as much a freedom fighter as George Washington! How absurd!
Being an Indian, and being familiar with the life and work of Gandhi, ( I have read all the volumes of his collected works)
I particularly liked the way Goldberg punched some holes in the Gandhi image., all based on facts. Gandhi's personal austerity conferred a sense of legitimacy to his political ideas- all of which ultimately failed. His much tom-tomed non-violence was a product of the liberal British regime. Could it have succeeded in a regime where the political opponents are removed at the dead of night and are not heard of again? Gandhi made the monumental blunder of making a universal fetish of a local arrangement which worked for a time only in the liberal British empire! Goldberg is hitting the nail on the head here.Like this ,the book abounds in great insights.
However, in one sense, Goldberg does have a blind spot. He is not able to see that the threat to environment from unbridled consumerist capitalism is real, and serious.. He dismisses it as another leftist fad. He is absolutely mistaken here. The true environmental movement was not a leftist creation at all! Socialism, like Capitalism , is also materialist at base. What saves capitalism is that there can be good individual capitalists, while the state capitalism that leftism is, is monstrous. Ultra rightists tend to see a ghost even in truly liberal measures, which is a pity, Without the
moderating or corrective influence of timely reforms, like those suggested by a Keynes or a Galbraith, capitalism will swallow the poor, and destroy itself. We need freedom from excessive state- power- which is the basic proposition of the great American experiment. But where that freedom has the potential to damage the environment- which is a scientific fact and not a leftist fad- even that freedom requires checks and balances! It baffles me that such a perceptive writer has missed this simple truth. Hence the three stars I have given to this otherwise excellent book. This is essential reading for all who want to be well informed on current debates, beyond what a prejudiced daily press reports.
Made me laugh and fume in equal measure.
I will ensure my Son reads it BEFORE going to University so he doesn't get poisoned by the usual garbage on campus.