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Uneasy Street: The Anxieties of Affluence Paperback – May 14, 2019
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A surprising and revealing look at how today’s elite view their wealth and place in society
From TV’s “real housewives” to The Wolf of Wall Street, our popular culture portrays the wealthy as materialistic and entitled. But what do we really know about those who live on “easy street”? In this penetrating book, Rachel Sherman draws on rare in-depth interviews that she conducted with fifty affluent New Yorkers―from hedge fund financiers and artists to stay-at-home mothers―to examine their lifestyle choices and understanding of privilege. Sherman upends images of wealthy people as invested only in accruing social advantages for themselves and their children. Instead, these liberal elites, who believe in diversity and meritocracy, feel conflicted about their position in a highly unequal society. As the distance between rich and poor widens, Uneasy Street not only explores the lives of those at the top but also sheds light on how extreme inequality comes to seem ordinary and acceptable to the rest of us.
- Print length328 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPrinceton University Press
- Publication dateMay 14, 2019
- Dimensions5.2 x 1 x 8 inches
- ISBN-100691191905
- ISBN-13978-0691191904
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"Sherman takes a dispassionate approach to find out how those who are 'benefitting from rising economic inequality' experience 'their own social advantages.' She elicits her subjects' thoughts about work and productivity, charitable giving, marital discord and more. Worthwhile humanizing ensues, as do plenty of squirm-inducing moments."--John Williams, New York Times Book Review
"There have been many cogent analyses of income inequality. Sociologist Rachel Sherman's welcome addition probes the psychology and socio-economics of affluence."--Barb Kiser, Nature
"We don't know as much about affluent people as we think we do. Caricatures abound, but the socioeconomically lucky don't often offer themselves up for study. That all changed with Rachel Sherman's Uneasy Street. . . . With each reading, I'm a little more unsettled, in the best possible way."--Ron Lieber, New York Times
Review
“There have been many cogent analyses of income inequality. Sociologist Rachel Sherman’s welcome addition probes the psychology and socio-economics of affluence.”―Barb Kiser, Nature
“Sherman takes a dispassionate approach to find out how those who are ‘benefitting from rising economic inequality’ experience ‘their own social advantages.’ She elicits her subjects’ thoughts about work and productivity, charitable giving, marital discord and more. Worthwhile humanizing ensues, as do plenty of squirm-inducing moments.”―John Williams, New York Times Book Review
“Sherman offers something new and surprising: a look inside the 1 per cent’s minds. . . . She shifts our understanding of today’s dominant class.”―Simon Kuper, Financial Times
About the Author
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- Publisher : Princeton University Press; 2nd edition (May 14, 2019)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 328 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0691191905
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691191904
- Item Weight : 2.31 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.2 x 1 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #379,240 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #81 in Income Inequality
- #349 in Sociology of Urban Areas
- #391 in Sociology of Class
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So what does it all mean? What does it matter if rich people behave themselves when it comes to lavish spending so they aren’t viewed as “bad rich people”?
To me, what’s important is that the real middle class is highlighted. Someone needs to bring to the forefront what it means to really be middle class. THAT will make sure there is no confusion on who and what the middle really looks like.
Everyone is so enamored with what it means to be rich or what it means to be poor. But no one cares to see what it means to be in the middle. The middle class means we may be close to poverty and/or close to being out of poverty, or depending on how life unfolds we may be more stable and closer to being slightly affluent. Every month can fluctuate which side we are on. Every change in the world affects which side we are closer to. The good rich or the bad rich don’t know what thats about. The good poor people or the bad poor people don’t know what that is about either because they are able to apply for handouts & hand ups.
Either way, I enjoyed the book. Thanks for writing this.
Where the book falls short is with the author's constant commentary and re-casting of her subjects' outlooks on money, consumption, and hard work. At times it feels like she would prefer her wealthy interviewees flog themselves and plead for mercy for the sin of being in the top one percent. Hard work, intelligence, self-sacrifice--in the author's view, anyone who thinks they "got to where they are" because of these traits must have some sort of mental disease. In a way it's incredible to watch how the modern liberal mind associates success in this country with some sort of pathological condition.
One final note: virtually everyone interviewed in the book appears to be from New York or the surrounding suburbs. Could the author not find any rich people from Texas, Florida, Louisiana, or Oklahoma to interview? The reader can only assume the author believes rich people in New York are representative of rich people everywhere else.
The book is composed of a series of interviews with and analyses of couples (with a noted focus on women) that are members of wealthy high-earning households, with one or both partners working in finance or similar careers and who have often inherited wealth. They often try to obscure their incredible wealth and privilege by trying to appear "normal"--they also try to retroactively justify their privilege by trying to be "morally worthy" of that privilege. This moral worth is obtained by "working hard, consuming prudently, and giving back" dulling the anxiety that comes with their wealth. In other words, they are not Kardashians, Trumps, or "real" housewives: gaudy, consumerist, entitled, and thus "bad". Instead this book's subjects are "good" rich people, and this fact for them seemingly justifies the structural inequality that allows them to live so well in a city of yawning inequalities. While Sherman clearly sees this as problematic, she does her best to reserve judgement.
The book is organized into six chapters, all based around the aforementioned interviews and supporting sociological literature: names like Thorstein Veblen, Pierre Bourdieu, Arlie Hochschild, Heraclio Bonilla-Silva as well as Susan Ostrander (who wrote a pioneering study on upper-class women of an earlier generation). Sherman notes that it is actually incredibly difficult to get the people she interviews to talk about money, and many had great reservations about participating in her project. As a result, this book is not an "ethnography" and lacks some of the depth and texture that such an account might have had. The resulting research design is still laudable and the product of great methodological finesse, yet readers who have read similar works recounting lived experiences of social class might not feel the same level of immersion. Yet the resulting analysis helps clarify a worldview that I suspect is common in other highly unequal cities across the country (though no doubt, with important regional differences). The first chapter focuses on upward or downward orientations: upward-oriented couples compare themselves to individuals wealthier than themselves tend to cast themselves as middle- or upper-middle class, while downward-oriented couples tend to recognize their privilege, though they still engage in practices and affects that try to justify their position. This orientation schematic struck me as something that could be situational as well, though Sherman suggests that it correlates with relative earning (high-earners are upward-oriented typically). The next three chapters highlight couples' attempts to show hard work, consume non-conspicuously, and give back in some way, through volunteering or charity. The final two chapters focus more on the domestic sphere, highlighting differences in household division of labor (often recreating gendered norms in heterosexual couples) and raising children--these parents also crave to be seen as normal by their children, while wanting them to be able to enjoy all the advantages of wealth, while also not becoming entitled. Supplementary interviews from service providers like interior designers--and though they are mentioned often, domestic workers like nannies and babysitters have little voice. An oversight perhaps inevitable given the approach, but the closer Sherman gets to the affluent, the more domestic workers literally and move to the background.
In a short recap and conclusion, Sherman argues that the judgement "good" and "bad" rich people is not very helpful--the "good" rich (not quite the 1% but certainly in the 2 to 5%) still practice and reproduce a "cultural logic of legitimate entitlement." The real response for those concerned with enduring inequality is to engage questions about "more egalitarian distribution of material and experiential resources"--easier said than done, as the author is no doubt well aware. But it would be a start. This book usefully shifts our focus away from the so-called immoral "bad rich" and hopefully moves us more towards the crux of the matter: inequality perpetrated in a capitalist society.
[About the Kindle edition: there are points during certain quotes where a letter is dropped before an ellipse. Kind of jarring at first, but you eventually realize that it's some kind of formatting error. Otherwise, glad that Kindle edition has page numbers and not just locations.]
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If you were a genius, you might say: "How about if the rich people in book 2 gave their money to the poor people in book 1". But as the author cleverly shows, even New York liberals will only go so far to try and salvage their consciences. Even if in the next room they have a maid working for peanuts doing the work they cannot be bothered to do, and being separated from their distant families while doing so. For all the grand words about how they don't wish to be part of the 1%, they will not do anything that would demote themselves down a level or two financially speaking.
So we become acquainted with terms like "luxury creep" (relentless increases in luxury expenditure as the spenders become used to it), with kids like the one who informs his parents for their next holiday they should fly private "like all the others" (ie in their own aeroplane), and with bored housewives whose idea of putting something back is volunteering at their kids' school.
Offering the maid $100,000 once she finishes, so she can go back to her home country with no more money worries? No chance.
This must have been an excruciatingly difficult survey to do - who likes inviting a stranger into their home and disclosing everything about their finances? The sample was quite limited, women in New York with wealth around $5-50m who feel bad about it. It would have been nice to have some in the sample who are more honest and don't even pretend to care, that just spend their days buying LV. I'd guess there plenty of them around if you look, judging by the LV sales figures. Also, I think the author could have disclosed her own exact financial status, so we could have seen what effect that might have.
All in all though this was a really interesting book, and I'd highly recommend it.
Il libro è di facile lettura (l'inglese utilizzato non l'ho trovato tecnico) anche se non sempre scorrevole.
Solitamente viene espresso un concetto e poi l'autore lo avvalora attraverso le interviste che ha fatto a vari benestanti di New York.
Per coloro che volessero ampliare la loro idea in merito alla ricchezza americana, tramite uno studio scientifico, ne consiglio l'acquisto.